Saturday, October 1, 2016

10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party

10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party

We love hosting parties – especially kid get-togethers because they are just so much fun. (And you can still get to bed early!) This year we are thinking of throwing an epic Halloween party complete with costumes. Doesn’t that sound awesome?

10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party

Here are our top picks for everything you need to host a great Halloween shindig. We found all of these on Etsy, our partner for this post. They have some of the best stuff!

10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party

Every great party starts with an invitation! We love this one because it’s super cute. If you aren’t partying in celebration of birthday, you can leave that line off.

10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party

This spider garland is a fun way to add just a little spook to your decoration without being too scary.

10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party

Then you can sprinkle this Halloween confetti on the tables! Confetti just makes everything more festive.

10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party

Blow up a few balloons and your party decorations are almost set! These black and orange polka dot balloons are the perfect colors.

10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party

We love taking funny photo booth pictures at parties. These Halloween props are perfect for that!

10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party

For a sweet treat, bake your favorite cupcakes then add these Halloween toppers – so easy.

10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party

Or get a batch of these incredible Halloween sugar cookies that look so nice I almost wouldn’t even want to eat them!

10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party

You could also make some fun chocolate pumpkins with this plastic chocolate mold.

10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party

Grab these festive paper straws to add to your drinks.

10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party

Add a Hershey bar to these ghost party favors for a fun treat on their way out.

10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party

Halloween Party Games

Mummy Wrap. Give each team of two people a roll of toilet paper. Whoever can wrap the other up like a mummy first, wins!

Pumpkin Races. Placing a small pumpkin at the starting line, have kids race to push their pumpkin to the finish using only a broom.

Halloween Charades is the easiest game of all! Before the party, write down all sorts of Halloween words the kids can act out like mummy, zombie, pumpkin, witch, scarecrow, etc.

We think with these fun ideas you might just have the best Halloween party ever!

The post 10 Things You Need For A Super Halloween Party appeared first on Kids Activities Blog.



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Friday, September 30, 2016

The Payment Reform Landscape: Maternity Care Progress And Stagnation

Blog_Delbanco payment reform

Improvements in the delivery of health care often stem from costly medical and technological advances, but in maternity care the evidence makes a strong argument that less is more. We can intervene less and spend less money in labor and delivery care while improving the quality of care for women and their babies. Why then is there so much unnecessary intervention and why is it so persistent?

The Example of Cesarean Deliveries

In 1985, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared there was no scientific justification for cesarean births in more than 10-15 percent of pregnancies. And the evidence continues to support that there is no improvement in mortality for mothers or infants with rates exceeding 10 percent to 19 percent depending on the study.

Even though the medical literature suggests that lower rates of cesarean delivery are better for women and children, the actual rates in the United States remain persistently high. In 2014, the Center for Disease Control (CDC) reported that 32.2 percent of U.S. births were cesareans. Even among “low risk” first time mothers (full term singleton pregnancy without breech presentation), more than one in four babies is delivered by cesarean. And large variation among hospitals suggests room for improvement.

Progress

But there is evidence that strong economic incentives to reduce unwarranted intervention can work in maternity care.

Over the past several years, application of financial and other pressures has led to relatively quick reductions in the number of early elective deliveries (EEDs). Cesarean or induced vaginal deliveries before 39 weeks without a medical indication are particularly pernicious because they are performed only for the convenience of the mother, doctor, or hospital staff, and are associated with significant risk of poorer medical outcomes for mothers and babies.

In South Carolina, under the leadership of the Birth Outcomes Initiative (SCBOI), they were able to combine the work of the State Medicaid program (DHHS) along with SC’s largest payer, Blue Cross Blue Shield of South Carolina, to implement quality improvement efforts along with a nonpayment policy for non-medically necessary EEDs. The quality improvement effort included establishing a list of The American Collegeof Obstetricians and Gynecologists’ approved indications for early delivery, utilizing two modifiers on the claims forms, tracking rates of EEDs by hospital, and providing each hospital with baseline and quarterly updates. Combining the quality improvement efforts with a nonpayment policy for EEDs, which applies to the hospital and the physician, has enabled SCBOI to reduce the EED rate among South Carolina’s 44 birthing hospitals by 72 percent between the first quarter of 2011 when the Birth Outcomes Initiative was launched, and the third quarter of 2015 (from 9.62 percent to 2.70 percent). Also, 75 percent of the hospitals now boast a 0 percent rate of non-medically necessary EEDs, based on data received from the South Carolina Department of Health and Human Services. (Updated information on this and other SCBOI programs will be available in October at scdhhs.gov under SCHealthviz).

Similar trends can be seen across the country. The rate of EEDs has been declining overall — from 17 percent nationally in 2010 to 2.8 percent in 2016. However, there is still work to be done as experts agree this number should be zero and the work on EEDs hasn’t had much if any impact on the overall rate of cesarean delivery.

Stagnation

Even in the face of compelling evidence, many commercial health insurance plans have resisted realigning their payment structures in any bold way. When they have changed their approach to payment, most have added quality measures on maternity care into a larger set of measures that they use in broad pay-for-performance programs. Many have focused their efforts on educating expectant mothers and their doctors on the benefits of full-term, spontaneous vaginal births and the dangers of medically un-indicated cesarean deliveries. But these education efforts have not had substantial impact on clinical practice.

Reducing the overall number of cesareans will be more challenging than eliminating early elective deliveries, as determining when a cesarean is “necessary” is much less straightforward. Nevertheless, payment design has done little to encourage more judicious use of many interventions. Services that are associated with higher rates of spontaneous vaginal birth and less intervention, such as doula care and delivery in free-standing birth centers, are often not covered by insurance. Despite abundant evidence that care by Certified Nurse Midwives (CNMs) is associated with less intervention and equal or better outcomes, many insurers will not contract with midwives and, of those that do, many pay them at a lower rate for the same care.

In the case of hospitals, those that bring down their cesarean rates are actually penalized financially for doing so: hospitals are paid 50 percent more when delivery occurs by cesarean rather than vaginally. Recent evidence suggests that this differential payment may prevent decreases in cesarean rates: when a single delivery rate was paid regardless of birth route, cesarean rates decreased by an average of 20 percent (from 27.2-32.6 percent to 19.5-27.2 percent) among the three participating hospitals.

Potential Solutions

We don’t know for sure what provider payment or benefit design strategies will support good outcomes while reducing the level of unnecessary and potentially harmful interventions, but there are many worth trying, including:

  • Encouraging health plans to pay facilities the same blended fee for vaginal or cesarean deliveries, which would take away the economic incentive for elective cesarean deliveries. Providers would be paid more than they are today for vaginal births and less for cesarean deliveries, resulting in a reduction of the frequency of cesareans and the attendant cost.
  • Contracting directly with midwives, where allowed, offering the same payment as physicians, to increase access to providers known to intervene less often.
  • Contracting with accredited free-standing birth centers, providing the option for low-risk women to deliver in a safe, out-of-hospital setting.
  • Steering women to designated “centers of excellence” that have the processes in place to follow current medical guidelines and have shown they can lower the number of deliveries with intervention.
  • Separately bundling inpatient and outpatient costs for a pregnancy, which could stimulate innovation in ambulatory prenatal care.
  • Making doula care a covered benefit, allowing more women access to a service that the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists considers “one of the most effective tools to improve labor and delivery outcomes.

In the world of medicine, sometimes the most persistent habits don’t change quickly, even with data-driven arguments. Nearly 170 years ago, Dr. Ignaz Semmelweis proved that washing hands was a sure-fire way for doctors to prevent maternal and infant mortality during childbirth. Still, even today fewer than half of medical providers wash their hands as often as they should. Without strong incentives from payers, could it be another century before the overuse of cesareans catches up with what medical science puts forth today as an acceptable norm?



from Health Affairs BlogHealth Affairs Blog http://ift.tt/2dsR01I

The Payment Reform Landscape: Maternity Care Progress And Stagnation

Blog_Delbanco payment reform

Improvements in the delivery of health care often stem from costly medical and technological advances, but in maternity care the evidence makes a strong argument that less is more. We can intervene less and spend less money in labor and delivery care while improving the quality of care for women and their babies. Why then is there so much unnecessary intervention and why is it so persistent?

The Example of Cesarean Deliveries

In 1985, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared there was no scientific justification for cesarean births in more than 10-15 percent of pregnancies. And the evidence continues to support that there is no improvement in mortality for mothers or infants with rates exceeding 10 percent to 19 percent depending on the study.

Even though the medical literature suggests that lower rates of cesarean delivery are better for women and children, the actual rates in the United States remain persistently high. In 2014, the Center for Disease Control (CDC) reported that 32.2 percent of U.S. births were cesareans. Even among "low risk" first time mothers (full term singleton pregnancy without breech presentation), more than one in four babies is delivered by cesarean. And large variation among hospitals suggests room for improvement.

Progress

But there is evidence that strong economic incentives to reduce unwarranted intervention can work in maternity care.

Over the past several years, application of financial and other pressures has led to relatively quick reductions in the number of early elective deliveries (EEDs). Cesarean or induced vaginal deliveries before 39 weeks without a medical indication are particularly pernicious because they are performed only for the convenience of the mother, doctor, or hospital staff, and are associated with significant risk of poorer medical outcomes for mothers and babies.

In South Carolina, under the leadership of the Birth Outcomes Initiative (SCBOI), they were able to combine the work of the State Medicaid program (DHHS) along with SC's largest payer, Blue Cross Blue Shield of South Carolina, to implement quality improvement efforts along with a nonpayment policy for non-medically necessary EEDs. The quality improvement effort included establishing a list of The American Collegeof Obstetricians and Gynecologists' approved indications for early delivery, utilizing two modifiers on the claims forms, tracking rates of EEDs by hospital, and providing each hospital with baseline and quarterly updates. Combining the quality improvement efforts with a nonpayment policy for EEDs, which applies to the hospital and the physician, has enabled SCBOI to reduce the EED rate among South Carolina's 44 birthing hospitals by 72 percent between the first quarter of 2011 when the Birth Outcomes Initiative was launched, and the third quarter of 2015 (from 9.62 percent to 2.70 percent). Also, 75 percent of the hospitals now boast a 0 percent rate of non-medically necessary EEDs, based on data received from the South Carolina Department of Health and Human Services. (Updated information on this and other SCBOI programs will be available in October at scdhhs.gov under SCHealthviz).

Similar trends can be seen across the country. The rate of EEDs has been declining overall — from 17 percent nationally in 2010 to 2.8 percent in 2016. However, there is still work to be done as experts agree this number should be zero and the work on EEDs hasn't had much if any impact on the overall rate of cesarean delivery.

Stagnation

Even in the face of compelling evidence, many commercial health insurance plans have resisted realigning their payment structures in any bold way. When they have changed their approach to payment, most have added quality measures on maternity care into a larger set of measures that they use in broad pay-for-performance programs. Many have focused their efforts on educating expectant mothers and their doctors on the benefits of full-term, spontaneous vaginal births and the dangers of medically un-indicated cesarean deliveries. But these education efforts have not had substantial impact on clinical practice.

Reducing the overall number of cesareans will be more challenging than eliminating early elective deliveries, as determining when a cesarean is "necessary" is much less straightforward. Nevertheless, payment design has done little to encourage more judicious use of many interventions. Services that are associated with higher rates of spontaneous vaginal birth and less intervention, such as doula care and delivery in free-standing birth centers, are often not covered by insurance. Despite abundant evidence that care by Certified Nurse Midwives (CNMs) is associated with less intervention and equal or better outcomes, many insurers will not contract with midwives and, of those that do, many pay them at a lower rate for the same care.

In the case of hospitals, those that bring down their cesarean rates are actually penalized financially for doing so: hospitals are paid 50 percent more when delivery occurs by cesarean rather than vaginally. Recent evidence suggests that this differential payment may prevent decreases in cesarean rates: when a single delivery rate was paid regardless of birth route, cesarean rates decreased by an average of 20 percent (from 27.2-32.6 percent to 19.5-27.2 percent) among the three participating hospitals.

Potential Solutions

We don't know for sure what provider payment or benefit design strategies will support good outcomes while reducing the level of unnecessary and potentially harmful interventions, but there are many worth trying, including:

  • Encouraging health plans to pay facilities the same blended fee for vaginal or cesarean deliveries, which would take away the economic incentive for elective cesarean deliveries. Providers would be paid more than they are today for vaginal births and less for cesarean deliveries, resulting in a reduction of the frequency of cesareans and the attendant cost.
  • Contracting directly with midwives, where allowed, offering the same payment as physicians, to increase access to providers known to intervene less often.
  • Contracting with accredited free-standing birth centers, providing the option for low-risk women to deliver in a safe, out-of-hospital setting.
  • Steering women to designated "centers of excellence" that have the processes in place to follow current medical guidelines and have shown they can lower the number of deliveries with intervention.
  • Separately bundling inpatient and outpatient costs for a pregnancy, which could stimulate innovation in ambulatory prenatal care.
  • Making doula care a covered benefit, allowing more women access to a service that the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists considers "one of the most effective tools to improve labor and delivery outcomes."

In the world of medicine, sometimes the most persistent habits don't change quickly, even with data-driven arguments. Nearly 170 years ago, Dr. Ignaz Semmelweis proved that washing hands was a sure-fire way for doctors to prevent maternal and infant mortality during childbirth. Still, even today fewer than half of medical providers wash their hands as often as they should. Without strong incentives from payers, could it be another century before the overuse of cesareans catches up with what medical science puts forth today as an acceptable norm?



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Paper Plate Witches

Paper Plate Witch Hats

Halloween is just around the corner! Shared below is an easy tutorial for Paper Plate Witches, a cute and easy craft for Halloween.

Halloween is just around the corner! Shared below is an easy tutorial for Paper Plate Witches, a cute and easy craft for Halloween.

Paper Plate Witches

This easy and fun craft is a cute decoration for kids' Halloween parties. We made some to tape to our kitchen door to celebrate fall! We used green paper plates, but of course kids could paint white paper plates green.

To make this craft you will need:

  • Green paper plates
  • Black and orange construction paper
  • Wiggly eyes
  • Black permanent marker
  • Black yarn
  • Tape
  • White school glue

RELATED: Halloween Necklace Craft for Kids

Halloween is just around the corner! Shared below is an easy tutorial for Paper Plate Witches, a cute and easy craft for Halloween.

After gathering supplies, invite children to cut 8 strands of black yarn. Tape the strands of yarn to the paper plate. If kids want their witches to have thicker hair, simply add more strands of yarn.

Halloween is just around the corner! Shared below is an easy tutorial for Paper Plate Witches, a cute and easy craft for Halloween.

After taping the hair to the paper plate, use scissors to cut a witch's hat from black paper. Tape or glue the hat to the top of the witch's head. If desired, cut a small buckle for the hat from orange and yellow construction paper. Kids will also enjoy creating witch hats from colored paper or scrapbook paper.

Halloween is just around the corner! Shared below is an easy tutorial for Paper Plate Witches, a cute and easy craft for Halloween.

Last, secure the wiggly eyes to the witch's face with glue. Use the black permanent marker to draw eyebrows, a nose, and a mouth.

More Witch Crafts for Kids

Paper Plate Witch's Hat

Paper Plate Witch's Hat

25 Festive Witch Crafts & Recipes

25 Witch Crafts and Recipes

The post Paper Plate Witches appeared first on Kids Activities Blog.



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Paper Plate Witches

Paper Plate Witch Hats

Halloween is just around the corner! Shared below is an easy tutorial for Paper Plate Witches, a cute and easy craft for Halloween.

Halloween is just around the corner! Shared below is an easy tutorial for Paper Plate Witches, a cute and easy craft for Halloween.

Paper Plate Witches

This easy and fun craft is a cute decoration for kids’ Halloween parties. We made some to tape to our kitchen door to celebrate fall! We used green paper plates, but of course kids could paint white paper plates green.

To make this craft you will need:

  • Green paper plates
  • Black and orange construction paper
  • Wiggly eyes
  • Black permanent marker
  • Black yarn
  • Tape
  • White school glue

RELATED: Halloween Necklace Craft for Kids

Halloween is just around the corner! Shared below is an easy tutorial for Paper Plate Witches, a cute and easy craft for Halloween.

After gathering supplies, invite children to cut 8 strands of black yarn. Tape the strands of yarn to the paper plate. If kids want their witches to have thicker hair, simply add more strands of yarn.

Halloween is just around the corner! Shared below is an easy tutorial for Paper Plate Witches, a cute and easy craft for Halloween.

After taping the hair to the paper plate, use scissors to cut a witch’s hat from black paper. Tape or glue the hat to the top of the witch’s head. If desired, cut a small buckle for the hat from orange and yellow construction paper. Kids will also enjoy creating witch hats from colored paper or scrapbook paper.

Halloween is just around the corner! Shared below is an easy tutorial for Paper Plate Witches, a cute and easy craft for Halloween.

Last, secure the wiggly eyes to the witch’s face with glue. Use the black permanent marker to draw eyebrows, a nose, and a mouth.

More Witch Crafts for Kids

Paper Plate Witch's Hat

Paper Plate Witch’s Hat

25 Festive Witch Crafts & Recipes

25 Witch Crafts and Recipes

The post Paper Plate Witches appeared first on Kids Activities Blog.



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ACA Round-Up: Appropriations, Battles Over Reinsurance Program Collections, And More

Tim-ACA-slide

On September 29, President Obama signed a continuing resolution appropriations bill that will fund the government through December 9, 2016, unless a 2017 appropriations bill is passed before that date. The headline is that the bill provides $1.1 billion in funding for combating the Zika virus. But the legislation otherwise continues in place funding for ACA programs at the rates at which they were funded for 2016, subject to a half percent reduction.

The continuing resolution retains riders and restrictions imposed by the 2016 appropriations legislation, including restrictions on using HHS administrative funds to fund the risk corridor program, elimination of funding for the Independent Payment Advisory Board, and various reporting requirements for ACA programs. The only new restriction on ACA funding in the bill is a rescission of $168 million in unspent ACA funds that were supposed to be available for funding health coverage in the territories.

The continuing resolution otherwise contains no new restrictions on ACA funding or implementation, however. There is no prohibition against the use of the judgment fund to settle risk corridor cases. And there is no requirement that HHS transfer funds from the reinsurance program to the Treasury, another demand of ACA critics (see below). The battle over health care reform will likely be rejoined in Congress after the elections, but the ACA has survived the latest round of congressional action largely unscathed.

GAO Sides With Republicans On Treasury Reimbursements From Reinsurance Program Collections; HHS Stands Its Ground

The temporary reinsurance program established by section 1341 of the Affordable Care Act was adopted to reinsure health insurers in the individual and small group market for high-cost claims during 2014, 2015, and 2016, the first three years of the health insurance market reforms and the marketplaces. The reinsurance program is funded by contributions collected from insurers and third party administrators of self-insured employer plans, which were supposed to amount to $10 billion for 2014, $6 billion for 2015, and $4 billion for 2016. The program has had a significant effect on individual market premiums, accounting for premium reductions of 10 to 14 percent in 2014, 6 to 11 percent in the 2015, and 4 to 6 percent for 2016, according to the American Academy of Actuaries.

The program was also, however, supposed to collect $2 billion each for 2014 and 2015 and $1 billion for 2016 to be deposited in the Treasury. These funds were intended to reimburse the Treasury for the $5 billion spent on the early retiree reinsurance program between 2010 and 2013. HHS set the contribution rate for the insurers and self-insured plans contributing to the program for the three years at a level that it believed would be sufficient to collect the amounts needed to fund the program and reimburse the Treasury, plus cover administrative costs. For 2014, however, HHS collected only $9.7 billion toward the $12.2 billion target, and in 2015 it received only $6.5 of the $8.025 billion needed. CMS had thus to decide how to allocate the funds collected toward the program's costs.

CMS initially stated in its 2014 and 2015 Notice of Benefit and Payment Parameters that in the event of a shortfall it would allocate funds collected pro rata between the reinsurance program and reimbursing the Treasury. When it became clear, however, that there would be an actual shortfall, CMS reconsidered, concluding from its interpretation of the language of section 1341 that the primary purpose of the statute was to provide reinsurance; CMS thus decided that all funds collected up to the amounts specified for the reinsurance program should be allocated to that program rather than to repaying the Treasury. Thus, it forwarded nothing to the Treasury for 2014 and about 0.5 billion for 2015.

Congressional Republicans have taken issue with this conclusion, arguing that the statute mandates that HHS reimburse the Treasury. They asked the Government Accountability Office to weigh in on the question. On September 29, the GAO issued an opinion, siding with the Republicans.

The GAO concluded that the statute requires HHS to collect funds to reimburse the Treasury as well as to fund the reinsurance program, and that money collected for the Treasury cannot be used for the reinsurance program. It opined that HHS' reading of the wording of the statute was "unconvincing" and, moreover, contrary to HHS' initial opinion on how a shortfall should be addressed. The GAO concluded that in the face of the shortfall, CMS should have allocated the funds collected pro rata between the reinsurance program and reimbursing the Treasury, and that therefore HHS owes approximately $3 billion to the Treasury.

The decisions of the Comptroller General, the head of the GAO, are binding on executive agencies, but the Comptroller General has no enforcement authority. HHS has apparently already distributed the reinsurance amount collected for 2014 and much of the amount collected for 2015 to insurers. It is very unlikely that HHS could recover these funds without doing serious damage to insurers in the individual market or that it will do so. It is also hard to believe that HHS could attempt retroactively to demand additional contributions from insurers and third party administrators of self-insured plans for 2014 and 2015, or to pay $3 billion from some other HHS account. HHS has reportedly taken the position that its interpretation of 1341, established through notice and comment rulemaking, is legal and that it intends to stay the course.

HHS Reports Coverage Gains Under ACA

On September 29, 2016 the HHS Assistant Secretary for Evaluation and Planning (ASPE) released a report titled "Affordable Care Act Has Led to Historic, Widespread Increase in Health Insurance Coverage." ASPE reports that the level of uninsured in the United States has reached a historic low of 8.6 percent, with 20 million gaining coverage under the ACA.

The report documents reductions in the uninsured rate since the ACA was adopted at every income level, in every ethnic group, in every age group, and in both urban and rural areas. Reductions in the uninsured from 2010 to 2015 for non-elderly adults range:

  • by income group from 37 percent for those with incomes between 250 and 400 percent of the poverty level to 48 percent for those with incomes between 100 and 125 percent of poverty;
  • by race and ethnicity from 35 percent for Hispanic non-elderly adults (from 43 to 28 percent) to 59 percent for non-Hispanic Asians (from 19 to 8 percent);
  • by age group from 36 percent for those aged 26 to 34 to 52 percent for those aged 18 to 25; and,
  • by metropolitan status from 39 percent for those who do not live in metropolitan areas to 42 percent for those who do.

The report once again emphasizes that reductions have been more dramatic in states that have expanded Medicaid than in those that have not. The overall uninsured rate decreased by almost 50 percent, from 19.9 to 10 percent, between 2010 and 2015 in Medicaid expansion states and by only 32 percent, from 25.9 to 17.7 percent, in states that did not expand.

The disparity in reductions in the uninsured rate was much starker with respect to non-elderly adults with incomes below 100 percent of the federal poverty level. The uninsured rate for this population dropped by 54 percent in expansion states but only by 19 percent in non-expansion states. The uninsured rate among non-elderly adult Hispanics dropped by 43 percent in expansion states but by only 26 percent in non-expansion states, while the rate among non-Hispanic Black non-elderly adults dropped by 59 percent in expansion states, by only 37 percent in non-expansion states.

There is much that is controversial about the ACA, but I know of no serious commentator on health policy who does not recognize that the uninsured rate has dropped dramatically since the ACA was adopted. It is thus remarkable that a Kaiser Health Tracking Poll released on September 29 found that only 26 percent of respondents realized that the number of uninsured was at an all-time low. Of those polled, 21 percent believed that the number of uninsured was at an all-time high, while 46 percent believed that the level was about the same as it has been. Of those who report that they have been following the news on the issue of the uninsured "very closely," 26 percent believe that the uninsured rate is at an all-time high (compared to 32 percent of very close news followers who know that it is at an all-time low). One can only guess (or despair) at what news sources Americans are following.

A Third Round Of ACA Litigation

As the ACA becomes ever more firmly established as the framework of our health care system, the nature of ACA litigation is beginning to change. In the years immediately following the enactment of the law, a dozen or more lawsuits were filed challenging the constitutionality of the law itself. These challenges largely failed, although in 2012 the Supreme Court held in the National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius case that Congress could not constitutionally compel states to expand Medicaid to low-income adults, thereby leaving 3 million Americans without access to health care coverage.

A second round of cases challenged the implementation of the law. A number of these cases contended that the administration had misinterpreted the law in allowing premium tax credits to be available through the federal exchange. This challenge was rejected decisively by the Supreme Court in King v. Burwell. Most of the other implementation challenges have been dismissed as well. A district court did, however, decide in favor of the House of Representatives in House v. Burwell, which challenges the provision of cost sharing reduction payments by the administration without an annual appropriation; this case is currently pending before the District of Columbia Court of Appeals. In addition, challenges to the contraceptive mandate continue to be litigated.

We are now seeing a third round of litigation, in which insurers and other participants in ACA programs are asserting their rights under the ACA or contesting the way in which the ACA has been applied to their particular situation. This includes a number of cases filed by insurers challenging the government's failure to pay out all of the money owed to them under the risk corridor program.

On September 26, 2016, the United States District Court for the District of Minnesota dismissed Batsche v. Burwell. This case involved the temporary reinsurance program. As described above, the reinsurance program collects a fee from insurers and the third party administrators of self-insured employer plans and distributes the money to insurers in the individual and small group market with very high claims.

In the initial regulations implementing this program, HHS concluded that self-insured, self-administered group health plans (mainly collectively bargained plans) were required to pay the reinsurance fee. In 2014, HHS reconsidered, and decided that they were not subject to the fee, but HHS applied this interpretation only for 2015 and 2016. The Trustees of the Twin City Pipe Trades Welfare Fund, a self-insured, self-administered fund, sued to enjoin HHS from collecting the 2014 fee as well. There was one problem, however: the fund had already paid the $762,663.90 fee for 2014. They sued to get the money back.

The federal court dismissed the case, holding that the plaintiff was essentially suing only for money damages for losses it had suffered because of the government's action in collecting the 2014 fee, and thus the lawsuit was barred by the government's defense of sovereign immunity. The sovereign immunity doctrine protects the government from lawsuits where it has not specifically agreed to liability. The court distinguished the case from lawsuits (including arguably the risk corridor cases) where a plaintiff is suing to obtain a benefit that it is "entitled" to under the ACA, where sovereign immunity may not apply. The court also held that if the plaintiffs could argue that the government had waived sovereign immunity, the case would have to be brought in the Court of Federal Claims (where the risk corridor cases are being brought).

Assuming the ACA continues to be the law of the land, it is likely that lawsuits by insurers, providers, and beneficiaries asserting rights under the statute will become quite common, as lawsuits asserting rights under the Medicare and Medicaid programs are now common. Medicaid and Medicare cases often present complex jurisdictional and procedural issues. A number of these issues have had to be decided ultimately by the Supreme Court. ACA litigation is likely also to present such issues, as the Batshe case demonstrates.



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ACA Round-Up: Appropriations, Battles Over Reinsurance Program Collections, And More

Tim-ACA-slide

On September 29, President Obama signed a continuing resolution appropriations bill that will fund the government through December 9, 2016, unless a 2017 appropriations bill is passed before that date. The headline is that the bill provides $1.1 billion in funding for combating the Zika virus. But the legislation otherwise continues in place funding for ACA programs at the rates at which they were funded for 2016, subject to a half percent reduction.

The continuing resolution retains riders and restrictions imposed by the 2016 appropriations legislation, including restrictions on using HHS administrative funds to fund the risk corridor program, elimination of funding for the Independent Payment Advisory Board, and various reporting requirements for ACA programs. The only new restriction on ACA funding in the bill is a rescission of $168 million in unspent ACA funds that were supposed to be available for funding health coverage in the territories.

The continuing resolution otherwise contains no new restrictions on ACA funding or implementation, however. There is no prohibition against the use of the judgment fund to settle risk corridor cases. And there is no requirement that HHS transfer funds from the reinsurance program to the Treasury, another demand of ACA critics (see below). The battle over health care reform will likely be rejoined in Congress after the elections, but the ACA has survived the latest round of congressional action largely unscathed.

GAO Sides With Republicans On Treasury Reimbursements From Reinsurance Program Collections; HHS Stands Its Ground

The temporary reinsurance program established by section 1341 of the Affordable Care Act was adopted to reinsure health insurers in the individual and small group market for high-cost claims during 2014, 2015, and 2016, the first three years of the health insurance market reforms and the marketplaces. The reinsurance program is funded by contributions collected from insurers and third party administrators of self-insured employer plans, which were supposed to amount to $10 billion for 2014, $6 billion for 2015, and $4 billion for 2016. The program has had a significant effect on individual market premiums, accounting for premium reductions of 10 to 14 percent in 2014, 6 to 11 percent in the 2015, and 4 to 6 percent for 2016, according to the American Academy of Actuaries.

The program was also, however, supposed to collect $2 billion each for 2014 and 2015 and $1 billion for 2016 to be deposited in the Treasury. These funds were intended to reimburse the Treasury for the $5 billion spent on the early retiree reinsurance program between 2010 and 2013. HHS set the contribution rate for the insurers and self-insured plans contributing to the program for the three years at a level that it believed would be sufficient to collect the amounts needed to fund the program and reimburse the Treasury, plus cover administrative costs. For 2014, however, HHS collected only $9.7 billion toward the $12.2 billion target, and in 2015 it received only $6.5 of the $8.025 billion needed. CMS had thus to decide how to allocate the funds collected toward the program’s costs.

CMS initially stated in its 2014 and 2015 Notice of Benefit and Payment Parameters that in the event of a shortfall it would allocate funds collected pro rata between the reinsurance program and reimbursing the Treasury. When it became clear, however, that there would be an actual shortfall, CMS reconsidered, concluding from its interpretation of the language of section 1341 that the primary purpose of the statute was to provide reinsurance; CMS thus decided that all funds collected up to the amounts specified for the reinsurance program should be allocated to that program rather than to repaying the Treasury. Thus, it forwarded nothing to the Treasury for 2014 and about 0.5 billion for 2015.

Congressional Republicans have taken issue with this conclusion, arguing that the statute mandates that HHS reimburse the Treasury. They asked the Government Accountability Office to weigh in on the question. On September 29, the GAO issued an opinion, siding with the Republicans.

The GAO concluded that the statute requires HHS to collect funds to reimburse the Treasury as well as to fund the reinsurance program, and that money collected for the Treasury cannot be used for the reinsurance program. It opined that HHS’ reading of the wording of the statute was “unconvincing” and, moreover, contrary to HHS’ initial opinion on how a shortfall should be addressed. The GAO concluded that in the face of the shortfall, CMS should have allocated the funds collected pro rata between the reinsurance program and reimbursing the Treasury, and that therefore HHS owes approximately $3 billion to the Treasury.

The decisions of the Comptroller General, the head of the GAO, are binding on executive agencies, but the Comptroller General has no enforcement authority. HHS has apparently already distributed the reinsurance amount collected for 2014 and much of the amount collected for 2015 to insurers. It is very unlikely that HHS could recover these funds without doing serious damage to insurers in the individual market or that it will do so. It is also hard to believe that HHS could attempt retroactively to demand additional contributions from insurers and third party administrators of self-insured plans for 2014 and 2015, or to pay $3 billion from some other HHS account. HHS has reportedly taken the position that its interpretation of 1341, established through notice and comment rulemaking, is legal and that it intends to stay the course.

HHS Reports Coverage Gains Under ACA

On September 29, 2016 the HHS Assistant Secretary for Evaluation and Planning (ASPE) released a report titled “Affordable Care Act Has Led to Historic, Widespread Increase in Health Insurance Coverage.” ASPE reports that the level of uninsured in the United States has reached a historic low of 8.6 percent, with 20 million gaining coverage under the ACA.

The report documents reductions in the uninsured rate since the ACA was adopted at every income level, in every ethnic group, in every age group, and in both urban and rural areas. Reductions in the uninsured from 2010 to 2015 for non-elderly adults range:

  • by income group from 37 percent for those with incomes between 250 and 400 percent of the poverty level to 48 percent for those with incomes between 100 and 125 percent of poverty;
  • by race and ethnicity from 35 percent for Hispanic non-elderly adults (from 43 to 28 percent) to 59 percent for non-Hispanic Asians (from 19 to 8 percent);
  • by age group from 36 percent for those aged 26 to 34 to 52 percent for those aged 18 to 25; and,
  • by metropolitan status from 39 percent for those who do not live in metropolitan areas to 42 percent for those who do.

The report once again emphasizes that reductions have been more dramatic in states that have expanded Medicaid than in those that have not. The overall uninsured rate decreased by almost 50 percent, from 19.9 to 10 percent, between 2010 and 2015 in Medicaid expansion states and by only 32 percent, from 25.9 to 17.7 percent, in states that did not expand.

The disparity in reductions in the uninsured rate was much starker with respect to non-elderly adults with incomes below 100 percent of the federal poverty level. The uninsured rate for this population dropped by 54 percent in expansion states but only by 19 percent in non-expansion states. The uninsured rate among non-elderly adult Hispanics dropped by 43 percent in expansion states but by only 26 percent in non-expansion states, while the rate among non-Hispanic Black non-elderly adults dropped by 59 percent in expansion states, by only 37 percent in non-expansion states.

There is much that is controversial about the ACA, but I know of no serious commentator on health policy who does not recognize that the uninsured rate has dropped dramatically since the ACA was adopted. It is thus remarkable that a Kaiser Health Tracking Poll released on September 29 found that only 26 percent of respondents realized that the number of uninsured was at an all-time low. Of those polled, 21 percent believed that the number of uninsured was at an all-time high, while 46 percent believed that the level was about the same as it has been. Of those who report that they have been following the news on the issue of the uninsured “very closely,” 26 percent believe that the uninsured rate is at an all-time high (compared to 32 percent of very close news followers who know that it is at an all-time low). One can only guess (or despair) at what news sources Americans are following.

A Third Round Of ACA Litigation

As the ACA becomes ever more firmly established as the framework of our health care system, the nature of ACA litigation is beginning to change. In the years immediately following the enactment of the law, a dozen or more lawsuits were filed challenging the constitutionality of the law itself. These challenges largely failed, although in 2012 the Supreme Court held in the National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius case that Congress could not constitutionally compel states to expand Medicaid to low-income adults, thereby leaving 3 million Americans without access to health care coverage.

A second round of cases challenged the implementation of the law. A number of these cases contended that the administration had misinterpreted the law in allowing premium tax credits to be available through the federal exchange. This challenge was rejected decisively by the Supreme Court in King v. Burwell. Most of the other implementation challenges have been dismissed as well. A district court did, however, decide in favor of the House of Representatives in House v. Burwell, which challenges the provision of cost sharing reduction payments by the administration without an annual appropriation; this case is currently pending before the District of Columbia Court of Appeals. In addition, challenges to the contraceptive mandate continue to be litigated.

We are now seeing a third round of litigation, in which insurers and other participants in ACA programs are asserting their rights under the ACA or contesting the way in which the ACA has been applied to their particular situation. This includes a number of cases filed by insurers challenging the government’s failure to pay out all of the money owed to them under the risk corridor program.

On September 26, 2016, the United States District Court for the District of Minnesota dismissed Batsche v. Burwell. This case involved the temporary reinsurance program. As described above, the reinsurance program collects a fee from insurers and the third party administrators of self-insured employer plans and distributes the money to insurers in the individual and small group market with very high claims.

In the initial regulations implementing this program, HHS concluded that self-insured, self-administered group health plans (mainly collectively bargained plans) were required to pay the reinsurance fee. In 2014, HHS reconsidered, and decided that they were not subject to the fee, but HHS applied this interpretation only for 2015 and 2016. The Trustees of the Twin City Pipe Trades Welfare Fund, a self-insured, self-administered fund, sued to enjoin HHS from collecting the 2014 fee as well. There was one problem, however: the fund had already paid the $762,663.90 fee for 2014. They sued to get the money back.

The federal court dismissed the case, holding that the plaintiff was essentially suing only for money damages for losses it had suffered because of the government’s action in collecting the 2014 fee, and thus the lawsuit was barred by the government’s defense of sovereign immunity. The sovereign immunity doctrine protects the government from lawsuits where it has not specifically agreed to liability. The court distinguished the case from lawsuits (including arguably the risk corridor cases) where a plaintiff is suing to obtain a benefit that it is “entitled” to under the ACA, where sovereign immunity may not apply. The court also held that if the plaintiffs could argue that the government had waived sovereign immunity, the case would have to be brought in the Court of Federal Claims (where the risk corridor cases are being brought).

Assuming the ACA continues to be the law of the land, it is likely that lawsuits by insurers, providers, and beneficiaries asserting rights under the statute will become quite common, as lawsuits asserting rights under the Medicare and Medicaid programs are now common. Medicaid and Medicare cases often present complex jurisdictional and procedural issues. A number of these issues have had to be decided ultimately by the Supreme Court. ACA litigation is likely also to present such issues, as the Batshe case demonstrates.



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